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Bill Cash MP obtains meeting with Justice Secretary over Staffordshire Probation Service merger plans

Press release 16/06/09       

 
In parliamentary question time this afternoon, Bill Cash MP, told the Secretary of State for Justice, Jack Straw, that he had concerns over Staffordshire Probation Service proposals and that they could destroy the identity, accountability and local community within which the probation service operates. The Justice Secretary has said he would review the situation and agreed to a meeting with Cash.
 
 
Bill Cash MP had already attended a meeting this morning with other Staffordshire MPs and officials from Staffordshire Probation Service. The meeting was held to discuss the future delivery of probation services by the merging of Staffordshire Probation Service with West Midlands Probation Service.
 
Bill Cash was grossly dissatisfied with the way in which the proposals would destroy the identity, accountability of the Staffordshire probation service.
 
The merging of the probation service raises the whole problem of regionalisation – as regional health authorities have in relation to the local hospital’s problems – and how regional bodies take over from local governance. Mr. Cash said “It is not regionalisation that is needed and a merging of Staffordshire Probation Service with West Midlands Probation Service will not work. We need more accountability, local democracy, local identity and community. People’s lives are at risk if the probation service is not managed properly at the local level.”


Bill Cash MP joins All-Party Parliamentary Group on Arch Cru and raises concerns

 Press release 25/11/2011

 
On Wednesday 23 November the All Party Parliamentary Group on Arch Cru was formed in a meeting at the House of Commons. Two key representatives from the Financial Services Authority were in attendance at the meeting.
 
Committee Room 18 in the House of Commons was packed with over 30 MPs, including Mr. Cash, and representatives for a further 50 additional Members to hear a one hour discussion. 
 
Key concerns were raised and responses offered at the meeting. Bill Cash, who has a number of constituents affected by the issues, attended the meeting and spoke on the role of auditors and where investigations should focus. Bill is a member of the All Party Group on Arch Cru and is continuing to press the concerns of his constituents with ministers and other MPs in the group. 
 
Mr Alun Cairns MP and Mr Tom Greatrex MP were elected as Co-Chairmen of the new All-Party Group and Guy Opperman MP as Secretary. 
 
The FSA agreed to consider the following: (i) to clarify the initial Capita FM offer letter to investors to dispel misinterpretations, and (ii) to consider trying to get all other parties, including those not under their regulatory responsibility, into one room to have a global discussion regarding the ongoing concerns and settlements.
 
The new Group will now ask Capita and the Financial Services Ombudsman to attend a future meeting.
 
Mr Cameron also agreed this week to consider what further actions could be undertaken, in response to a question raised at Prime Minster’s Questions.
 


Bill Cash MP gets Shadow Front Bench to put down Early Day Motion for an independent inquiry on Mid Staffs NHS Foundation Trust

Press release 16/06/2009

Bill Cash MP drafted an Early Day Motion (1667) calling for an independent inquiry, which appears in the name of the Shadow Secretary of State for Health, Andrew Lansley. It has been signed by 122 MPs to date. It is identical to the previous Early Day Motion on this issue, except that this one calls on the new Secretary of State for Health, Andy Burnham MP to initiate an independent inquiry.

The Early Day Motion (EDM) reads as follows: 
  
That this House notes the appointment of a new Secretary of State for Health; and calls on him to initiate an independent inquiry under the Inquiries Act 2005 into the failings of the Mid Staffordshire NHS Foundation Trust.
 


A party of the nation?

An article by Bill Cash published in The Times on 21 March 1996 

 

Today the Commons debates the White Paper on Europe, to which I replied yesterday in my own Blue Paper. This debate is so fundamental to the future of Britain that both Government and Opposition thought it wise to bury the issue with a one-line whip. This shows how far the Europeanisation of Britain has undermined the vitality and integrity of British politics.

 

The essence of British conservatism is that we retain through our Parliament the capacity to adapt to changing circumstances while insisting on the fixed and immutable principles of democracy, accountability and self-government. No British Government has the right to give this inheritance away.

 

The process of European integration contradicts these principles. The White Paper, high on rhetoric, is low on principle and silent on renegotiation of Britain's position. When I proposed putting monetary union on the agenda of the inter-governmental conference (IGC), so that this matter could be discussed as a question of principle, the Foreign Secretary replied: ``I do not follow your suggestion that it is a matter of principle.'' 

 

The White Paper speaks of our need to be ``realistic about the sort of changes we can hope to achieve at the IGC . . . If we were to press ideas which stand no chance of general acceptance, some others would seek to impose an integrationist agenda which would be equally unacceptable''. This is not realism; it is defeatism, even appeasement. It betrays a deeper problem, which the White Paper avoids, a stubborn refusal to renegotiate the Maastricht treaty despite all the evidence of its failure in the areas of jobs, the exchange-rate mechanism, monetary union, Bosnia and fishing. We must reduce the powers of the Court of Justice by reducing the competences already granted. Maastricht entails an integrationist programme for European government, which must be repealed.

 

Speaking last month in Louvain, Chancellor Kohl failed to distinguish between nationalism and the democratic nation-state, when he threatened that the failure of European integration would lead to war. The truth is that we run this risk if we undermine the democratic nation-state. Chancellor Kohl insisted that ``German unity and European integration are two sides of . . . the same coin''. The Treaty on European Union is the acquisition of power by other means.

 

This issue should not be seen as a matter of left or right, but as a matter of national interest, on which the British people have a right to a referendum. There is yet time to resolve these questions, for the IGC does not begin until March 29, and will continue until after the general election. This raises the question of the Conservative Party manifesto and the Labour Party.

 

The failure of the exchange-rate mechanism before our exit on September 16, 1992, severely damaged the Conservatives' credibility in government, but we are steadily recovering it. The party must show the British people that this debacle could not happen again, by ruling out the exchange-rate mechanism and monetary union in our manifesto and during the inter-governmental conference. The Labour Party is trapped. Gordon Brown says he wants managed exchange rates and monetary union. But if we Conservatives rule this out in our manifesto, we can demonstrate that Labour will be unable to fulfil its promises about jobs, health, education, public expenditure and a host of other issues. To fail to do so would be to throw away our best weapon in the general election. This involves renegotiating Maastricht, and perhaps telling the other EU members that otherwise we will veto the IGC.

 

Our British identity and independence have been withering in the face of attacks by Brussels, power-play in Germany and France, and the activities of Euro-fanatics at home. Conservatives must now match the rhetoric of the White Paper by putting British interests first when it comes to policy. We have been treated with too much contempt for too long by those with whom we have tried to co-operate. We can and will work with our partners in Europe, but only on mutual terms, not simply on theirs. We will not be trampled on. We will not watch as our laws are overturned by the Court of Justice and our institutions, which have stood the test of time, are derided and treated as hollow. We have saved Britain and Europe twice in a century, and we are now called upon to do so again.

 

If we do not regain for ourselves the only sovereignty which really counts, which is the political will and authority of a democratic nation, we shall deserve to fail. Then we shall enter a dark age of subordination to the will of others, and the Conservative Party will lose its raison d'etre. As Disraeli said, ``the Tory Party is a national party or it is nothing''.






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